The Case of Roseanne Catt

Anyone who thought it would be impossible to be framed in NSW would have their belief shaken by studying the case of Roseanne Catt.

Roseanne was convicted in 1991 of an avalanche of offences against her former husband Barry Catt, including assaults, threats to kill, possession of a pistol and spiking his milk with lithium, a drug he was taking to treat a psychiatric disorder. She and Barry had had a particularly acrimonious marriage breakdown, and it just so happened that the investigating detective for the case was a mate of Barry’s who had always disliked Roseanne! The sentence was as extraordinary as the conviction: Roseanne was sentenced to 12 years in jail, even though Barry had never been seriously injured!

The conviction and sentence created outrage at the time, and the case appeared in the mainstream press again late last year, with new allegations that the detective in the case - Peter Thomas - had threatened witnesses and confessed to planting the gun on Roseanne. A Free Roseanne Committee was formed shortly afterwards. As well as calling for a review of the conviction, the Committee drew attention to anomalies Roseanne was enduring in the prison system. With nine years of her sentence served, she was still in a maximum-security prison, when the usual process is that prisoners go to Transition three years before parole is due, to prepare them for re-integration into the general community. She had not received any day leave, even though women who were in prison for murder had done so. She had been placed under the Serious Offenders Review Council (SORC), even though three years before she had been informed (by SORC) that her charges were not serious enough to fit their criteria.

Roseanne has now been granted day leave, but she still does not have access to work in the community. Nor has she been moved to the Transitional Centre, even though SORC recommended, in December last year, that she be moved there without delay. Roseanne is due for parole at the end of the year; Mulawa chaplain Claudette Palmer RSC has expressed concern that the preparations for her release will be inadequate: “After being caged for almost ten years how is she supposed to reintegrate into the community?” As well, Sister Claudette considers that there is an attempt afoot to “break Roseanne”, given that Roseanne has expressed a desire to use her experience upon release “to prevent my tragedy from occurring to others... I want this to be a catalyst for a better justice system”. Legal Aid has already agreed to fund an Inquiry into the original conviction.

  

Prologue: Roseanne was set free on Monday 6th August. (Joy) More to follow!

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DNA Information
For information on DNA testing or prisoners' rights under the new legislation, please write to:
DNA Information
c/o Justice Action,
PO Box 386, Broadway NSW, 2007.

If you wish to register a complaint about your treatment or that of fellow prisoners resulting from the new laws, write to:
NSW Ombudsman
3rd Floor, 580 George St,
Sydney 2000
Ph: 9286 1000 or 1800 451 524

Office of the Inspector-General of Corrective Services
PO Box K1313, Haymarket, 1240



Deaths in Custody

In late 1987 the Hawke Government finally relented and called for the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. 124 deaths were presented to the Commissioners but they, in their wisdom, accepted only 99. These deaths needed to have occurred between 1st January 1980 and 31st May 1989. Not one police, custodial or jail officer was found guilty of any wrongdoing. Except perhaps for using the wrong form or for being totally ignorant of their own supposed Rules and Regulations.

During April 1991, the Commissioners handed down their collective wisdom in the form of 339 Recommendations. Roughly half of these dealt with the so-called justice system for Indigenous people. These Recommendations stressed the need for jail to be used only as a last resort and were to bring about change relative to the involvement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders with the police, courts and gaols. With what success?

Tragically, none at all. Indigenous involvement with the white justice system has led to an increase in all areas: alarmingly so, and sadly one can also say, racially so. Black incarceration has increased dramatically. Not only for our males and females, but also for our youths it has grown, and continues to grow, alarmingly. Deaths in custody, whether lock-up, gaol or juvenile centre, have more than doubled since May 1989.

So what happened to the Recommendations?
Government at all levels, whether Liberal or Labor, continued on with their frantic posturings for Law and Order, each pushing the bidding higher and higher in their futile attempts to obtain a crime-free society. Unfortunately, they did not address, and continue to refuse to address, the real issues of poverty, homelessness, the legislation and legalisation of all drugs, unemployment, etc. Social Justice has only ever been given lip service with no real workable policies being put into place Australia-wide.

The police have been given greater and greater powers, especially during the Games, to “clean the streets” of what they, the police, saw as the civil undesirables. Indigenous peoples, of course, were a fair wack of those. The draconian Games laws are still with us.

It is widely known, and accepted, that the police use their powers very arbitrarily and very, very racially. It must be remembered that all the police forces of this country have been required to enforce Laws on Aborigines that denied us any basic human rights and civil protection. There is much evidence that there are laws that are generally more used against Aborigines: the restricted Summary Offences Act, entailing the “trifecta” – offensive behaviour, resist police and assault police – is but one example.

Added to these was the introduction of the Street Laws, the continued Rambo assaults on Redfern and other Communities, a greater acceptance and use by police of Zero Tolerance policing, allegedly aimed at ethnic gangs and other groups, including Indigenous, and their complete failure in the Drug Wars sweeping across Australia. Recently Premier Carr was pushing that it be an offence to be seen to enter or leave a police-identified “drug house”. The police are the final arbiters and YOU must prove your innocence. Guilt is assumed and you will be arrested regardless of the reason you had a need to visit this place. It could even be your own home! Any wonder the gaols are full!

Looking at the numbers
Let’s look at some numbers, and I don’t mean those “pretty good numbers” that some politicians continue to rave about. I have taken these statistics from several sources and they include the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, CRC Justice Support Newsletter, (thank you Zanny), April/May 2001, Conflict, Politics and Crime: Aboriginal Communities and the Police, a new book by Chris Cuneen that I recommend highly, the Australian Institute of Criminology, ACT, the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, the Australian Bureau of Statistics, as well as several media reports.

On November 1 last year the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission stated that on a daily basis some 20,000 inmates, men and women, “lived” in the country’s gaols. Some 3300 odd are in private gaols whilst some 4000 inmates are Indigenous. The Commission believed, correctly, that not enough attention was being given to the operational conditions of the gaols. Conditions such as the impacts of continued lock-downs or lock-ins; segregation issues; GOD (Good Order, Discipline) transfers; health care; the treatment of “special status” inmates; the total lack of real rehabilitation programs that work and the absolute dearth of properly funded pre- and post-release programmes.

This is more than ably proved by the recidivism rates of between 50% to 60% that are common throughout Australia.

From 1988 to 1998 Australia’s inmate numbers overall increased some 62% from 12 321 to 19 906. This is now increased to 20 769 average per day for the October/December quarter 2000. Somewhat better that the USA’s number of 2,000,000 plus. Numbers in NSW gaols rose by 15 percent between 1996 and 2000. Current NSW gaol figures, as of mid-May 2001, were 7754. This includes at least 516 women held in custody also. Roughly 1400 of these inmates would be Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders.

An Indigenous person is at least 15 times more likely to be gaoled than a non-Indigenous person. Nationally, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, as of December 1 2000, there were 4003 Indigenous inmates, some 19% of the gaols populations. We are about 3.4% of the national population. In the Northern Territory Indigenous inmates account for 63% of all inmates whilst in Western Australia approximately 30% of that state’s Aboriginal population are in gaol. This is the highest rate in Australia. The highest ratios of Indigenous to non-Indigenous incarceration rates are for Western Australia and South Australia with rates of 20 and 17 times respectively.

71% of inmates in New South Wales gaols are Australian born, 16% are born overseas in a non-English speaking country, whilst 6% come from English-speaking countries. About 85% of males and 90% of females are gaoled for an alcohol or drug related crime, and at least one third of males and two thirds of females in gaol proved to be Hep C positive.

Mental illness for inmates is becoming a major problem within the New South Wales gaol system and the gaol systems are not geared up to replace the mental hospitals that have been closed by the previous and current New South Wales Governments. It is believed about one-third of males and at least half of all female inmates are, or have been, suffering from some form of mental illness, while about 13 percent of all inmates are identified as having some form of mental disability.

Most studies show that, generally, Government welfare payments, of whatever type, are the sole income of the majority of inmates prior to conviction. 50% of those charged with assaults stated that welfare payments are their sole source of income. 80% of women were unemployed at their time of arrest. Poverty, unemployment, homelessness, among other Social Justice issues, allow for higher and higher gaoling rates. And, of course, racisim.

Zero Tolerance
Social economists have recently produced Reports that deal with those questions and statistically show that we are in a time of deep social crises, caused by the social and economic psychopaths that are currently running the Governments of this country, whatever their political base. As explained above, a critical platform of all these Governments is their push for Law and Order and Zero Tolerance that is then exacerbated by the historically racist attitudes of police in general.

Whilst the police and their Masters in Governments claim that they are not applying Zero Tolerance and that they are not racist, the figures speak differently. As Chris Cuneen, Director of Sydney University’s Institute of Criminology, has shown, the police are going to do what they do best, and that is to arrest people. The 3 Year Plan to reduce lock-up rates was absolutely undermined by the use of offensive language and behaviour charges, along with the increased use of “intimidate police” and the continued harsh treatment of Aboriginal juveniles.

Search and remove powers were maximally distorted in those areas of high Aboriginal populations. In Bourke, with a high Aboriginal population, police used their powers at a rate 492 times the state average. Aborigines were searched at 30 times the state rate. In the police areas of Walgett, Moree and Broken Hill, police use their “move on” powers at 321 times, 173 times, and 145 times the state rate respectively. We do not need to ask who this over-policing is directed at.

Complaints against police by Aborigines of assault, abuse and racist remarks, in conjunction with a greater use of inappropriate and unprofessional behaviour when dealing with Aborigines whilst in custody or during arrest by police, have increased substantially. Complaints include illegal use of capsicum spray, handcuffs and the drawing of their pistols to intimidate Aborigines, especially Aboriginal youth. Whilst Police Commander Doug Graham believes that things had improved, again the statistics belie this.

Yeah, right Doug!
In 10 police Local Area Commands with high Indigenous populations, Aboriginal males were refused bail at a rate 12 times higher than non-Aborigines. Aboriginal females were locked up at a rate 40 times greater than non-Aboriginal females for intoxication. Detention for outstanding warrants was 14.4 times greater for Aboriginal males and 16.5 times greater for Aboriginal females than non-Aboriginal males and females, and only 1 in 10 Aboriginal juveniles searched was found with a weapon. Yeah, right Doug.

During April 2001 the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research revealed that by eliminating gaol terms of six months or less, (a Carr pre-election promise at a previous election), the Indigenous inmate population would be reduced by a staggering 54%, and the general gaol population by 46%.

This would negate the building of any new gaols, especially the 250-300 bed women’s gaol at Windsor [see report page 4/5 - Ed.] Costs of gaoling people were, in Australia, $1.065 billion in 1997-1998. This would have risen since due to the over-the-top enthusiasms of Governments everywhere to build more and more gaols.

Whilst it can be clearly and factually shown that all Governments have totally and criminally ignored the Recommendations of the Aboriginal Deaths in Custody Royal Commission, they all, without exception, attempt to apologize their collective failures away. NSW Attorney General Bob Debus acknowledges that the number of Indigenous inmates is “unacceptably high” and his Government believed “new approaches” were needed. One new approach was to legislate in April last year that Judges/Magistrates would have to give written reasons why when handing down sentences of six months or more.

The legislation has not been active long enough to assess its outcomes, but anecdotally it has been argued that the Courts are handing down a greater number of sentences of 6-1/2 months or more. Let’s face it, the Courts are busy and so is everyone attached to them. We firstly must await the statistics, and the victims of this attempt to lower gaol numbers.

Police Operations
The number of people killed in police operations rose dramatically during the year 2000. NSW State Coroner, John Abernathy, criticized the Government for failing to implement the Recommendations of the Royal Commission, and the other relevant and related Recommendations, to prevent deaths in custody, and especially those who are killed in police high-speed chases. In 2000, 19 people died in police or gaol custody. Another 20 died as a result of high-speed car chases or by being shot by, sometimes, alcohol or drug affected police officers.

The relevant gaol and police Recommendations were all accepted and allegedly implemented in 1993. Why then the ongoing concern of Coroners and many others over the increasing number of hanging deaths? Fourteen inmates/detainees hanged themselves during 2000. Four were found to have died of drug overdoses, two were murdered in jail whilst two were shot by police, three died of so-called natural causes, one from a self-inflicted gunshot wound, one took poison, whilst an unbelievable nine died from injuries received in high-speed car chases. How many now live as cripples is apparently not counted.

Youth Time Bomb
For Indigenous youth the situation is very bad and is further deteriorating.

67% of the Indigenous deaths that occurred during police operations involved people under the age of 20, compared with 11% for non-Indigenous deaths. The last Census showed that some 60% of Indigenous people were under the age of 25; some 50% were 18 and under. This Country, and we Indigenous people, are sitting on a juvenile time bomb that will explode in all our faces, unless some sensible measures are taken, rather than the continuation of the police harassment and the racism of the total white justice system that is the daily fare of Indigenous youth.

Indigenous youth, nationally, are 14 times more likely to be held in a Juvenile Justice Centre than non-Indigenous youths. In WA the statistic is 30 times more, whilst in Queensland the statistic is 20 times the rate. I do not have the NSW rate but I believe it would be somewhere around the national figure, if not slightly higher.

In the ACT there’s been a call made for urgent action on “black crime”. What about white, brown, yellow, or whatever coloured crime? Labor leader John Stanhope bemoaned that Canberra’s Indigenous offender rate was the highest in the nation. A report stated that the Indigenous offender rate in 1999/2000 was 3 876 per 100,000 adults. 62% of Quamby, the ACT Juvenile Justice Centre, youth were identified as being Indigenous. I would argue that this statistic would be fairly representative of the situation throughout Australia.

Their answer? More, bigger and harder Laws for the police. More Maximum Security gaols for inmates to serve longer and longer sentences with no chance of rehabilitation. Still more treading of the Cowards Path, much loved by the Politicians, the Right Fundamentalists, the Verbal Vomit, among others.

WHEN WILL THEY EVER LEARN?

  



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Federal and NSW Governments collide:
Indefinite Detention


Imagine if you got to the end of your sentence and they wouldn’t let you out? This nightmare is reality for 27-28 prisoners in Australian jails, most of them in NSW. They’ve been kept in jail up to over 3 years after the expiration of their sentence!

It is a sad measure of a compassionless idiocy that many traumatised and oppressed peoples have been and continue to be locked up in camps, denied proper services and opportunities and information, criminalised when they turn to drugs and locked up in jails. These prisoners have survived all that, only to find themselves shot down again by a Kafka-esque bureaucracy and overlords drunk on power. Not that they’re giving up! And nor are we...

As young people they fled Vietnam and were accepted as refugees by Australia and granted Permanent Residency under the Humanitarian Program. They thought they were now Australians. However, the everchanging paperwork intricacies of Citizenship now allow Philip Ruddock -- who is not only the Federal Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, but also the Minister for Reconciliation and the Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs – to discriminate against these prisoners and demand their detention “pending” deportation.

How devastated would any person feel when they find out that the Country they call home wasn’t.
- excerpt from prisoners’ petition.

The principle of “non-refoulement” means that a country can’t send people back to a place that they fled due to persecution. As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on Refugees, Australia has undertaken to abide by this principle. Still, the Minister is trying to send these people back.

Commonwealth Legal Aid policy has removed the ability of such prisoners to access Legal Aid resources, even though this area of law is highly complex and specialised. Pro-bono services are stretched to the limit and unavailable. Private legal representation is unattainable due to its cost and the poverty of the prisoners and their families. There are not enough lawyers available in Australia with the requisite expertise to allow proper representation. We’re only aware of one person who has had a deportation order like this overturned. A refugee from Vietnam who grew up in Australia and became addicted while living on the streets in South West Sydney, he would have suffered hardship if returned to Vietnam. His release came only after the Federal Court ruled that an earlier Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) deportation order decision erred in law and so directed the AAT must reconsider the case. Without legal representation other deserving people have failed in their AAT cases challenging deportation orders, and so justice is again denied.

The Minister is abusing his power. And he has now introduced measures that effectively remove the right to take your case to the AAT, claiming that the AAT has been too lenient!

Anyway, Vietnam refuses to accept the prisoners. Unsurprising, seeing as they fled Vietnam as refugees decades ago. The Minister’s claim of negotiations in progress is a bad joke. These intergovernmental “negotiations” have been going on for 3 years with no end in sight. Vietnam’s not going to take them, so there’s nowhere Australia can deport them. This makes their detention unjustified.

We are being kept in prison with no release date
- excerpt from open letter

Meanwhile in jail they suffer added interference with access to rehabilitation programs, visits, leave and works/day release due to their classification status as prisoners at the attention of the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA). The jail mail situation and cell life compound the difficulties of communication and make it hard to properly gather information as to what to do, collect evidence and write documents necessary for a legal case or other self-advocacy. Any prisoner who has attempted to mount a defence or appeal in jail will know the sorts of problems involved.

As you’d expect, this indefinite detention is highly traumatic for the prisoners. They’ve accepted the court’s punishment, served their sentences, expressed regrets, and are rewarded with torture. An unending imprisonment, with all the hells that come with being in jail, no way out and a maze of paperwork leading to a recalcitrant Minister.

Although the NSW Minister for Corrective Services, John Watkins, agrees that the ex-prisoners should not be in NSW jails, his suggestion is that the Federal Government “will need to have more secure centres where they can detain these people”, ie build more jails. This is an obscene suggestion and ignores the obvious injustice of their detention. The NSW government should be doing its best to protect the state’s residents from Human Rights violations, not just passing the buck of responsibility.

If we don’t let the population know, then maybe Immigration Department will keep every person with non citizenship in a prison for ever!
- excerpt from public complaint

For over a year Justice Action has been taking the issue to prison activists worldwide, legal bodies, state and federal politicians, Australian complaints bodies, the UN and the media. At a recent demo/press conference (organised by the Unity Party), Amnesty International, Refugee groups, Unity Party, Greens Party, Democrats Party and Justice Action all gathered to show our support for the prisoners and demand their release. ABC radio and SBS TV have helped expose this hidden abuse to the public and this has resulted in a lot of community concern and outrage. Questions have been asked in Federal and State Parliaments. Legal complaints are continuing.

Justice Action thanks the prisoners and released ex-prisoners who alerted us to this issue and all in the “outside” community who’ve spoken out against this injustice and worked towards its end. Help us free these prisoners!
Write a letter to:
• Philip Ruddock
Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs
Suite MF 40, Parliament House, Canberra ACT 2600

• John Watkins
Minister for Corrective Services
Parliament House, Macquarie St, Sydney 2000

Call for:
• no refoulement of refugees
• stop arbitrary and indefinite detention practices
• release all prisoners who’ve served their sentence
In this issue Framed reported on US and Canadian action against prison profiteer Sodexho. Here in Australia privatisation of the imprisonment industry expanded dramatically in the late 1990s when Australia’s Immigration Detention Centres were handed over to be run for profit by Australasian Correctional Management (ACM), which also runs the jail at Junee.
Bruce Knobloch, a member of RAC (Refugee Action Collective) (NSW), reports on action to protest ACM and the mandatory detention of refugees:
Twice in May about 150 refugee rights activists blockaded the building which contains the HQ of ACM, once on May 1 (while thousands of others blockaded the Stock Exchange), then again on May 17. This second time ACM were forced to come downstairs from Level 18 of 44 Market St to accept our demands for improved wages, conditions and facilities in the camps. For the first time this faceless corporate monster was not able to hide behind the Minister for Racism, Philip Ruddock.

The size and determination of the protests (most importantly the courageous protests inside the Curtin, Port Hedland and Woomera camps) have generated massive media attention. The issue is now on the radar screen of mainstream justice organisations. Churches, unions and other community organisations are beginning to play a central role in the campaign and are joining us in protest actions such as the June 3, National Day of Action for Refugee Rights.

One of the key themes of the protests has been the hypocritical contradiction of the ideology of globalisation. While - as ever - the rich are able to roam wherever they want whenever they want, the rest of us are restricted behind borders, and refugees are herded into camps, often for years on end, when they are forced to flee their homelands in fear of persecution and war.

The aim of a borderless world for all people regardless of their colour or wealth, is motivating larger numbers of people to think past Ruddock’s miserable nationalism and is building the activist base of the campaign to close the camps.

Contact RAC by calling Cyrus on 0413-486231 or check out their website at http://www.web.one.net.au/~refugee





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The case of Jim Hallinan

In February this year, Jim Hallinan was killed at his bush hut near Tumut by a 70-strong squad of Tactical Operations police dispatched from Sydney. Copwatch reports:

From the mixture of court transcripts, coroners reports, newsclippings, police statements and analysis by retired Justice Jim Staples that we received, the story is as follows.

Jim Hallinan, a mildly-distrurbed 57-year-old, visited Tumut from his hut several kilometres from town on some matter concerned with the registration of his car. While he was there he yelled out to a police officer words to the effect of “You’re a disgrace to your uniform”. The policeman and his partner stopped Mr Hallinan and searched him, finding his bush knife. He was charged under the Police and Public Safety Act.

Although he was self represented at commital and police objected to bail he was granted self surety, but he failed to show up for the trial.

Tumut police apparently went to his hut to arrest him but called for backup when they discovered he had a rifle. It is not clear whether he actually threatened police much less fired shots. From here it gets really weird.

On February 23 at least 70 well-armed Tactical Operations police were dispatched from Sydney. They camped on his land, laying seige to his hut for about 30 hours. Normal negotiation procedures were not followed, family members were not called and local friends who wanted to assist were told to butt out.

After a day police seemed to get bored with their operation and detonated explosives and fired tear gas to drive Hallinan from his hut whereupon he was shot through the back of the head from 50 metres by an officer armed with a high-powered sniper rifle. For that kind of weapon this is point blank range.

Police initially said he had come out of the hut firing wildly, but as the rifle turned out to be a .22 bolt action rabbit gun this story lacks a little in credibility. They later revised their story to say that he had ‘levelled’ his rifle at officers.

One senior Tactical Operations Unit officer was later suspended when he returned a positive to cannabis following the routine drug testing done after the killing. He was not the one who shot Hallinan.

According to conservative ex-Justice Jim Staples, a prima facie case exists for charging the shooter with murder and other police on the scene as accessories.
Kep Enderby also has some choice words to say about it as the transcript from the March 14 7:30 Report shows. Note that police have since retreated from several of the statements made to the ABC at the time which implied that Hallinan had fired shots.

It seems that police and the Department of Public Prosecutions are waiting for the coroner’s report, but as Staples points out, if it had been anyone but police there would have already been an arrest.

Copwatch is a community organisation that aims to limit and reduce police powers and to monitor developments in NSW including: Paramilitarism, weaponry, surveillance and shootings by police.

Contact them by e-mail: nswcopwatch@hotmail.com.

 



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Framed is the Magazine of Justice Action.
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